THE ROJAVAN REVOLUTION AND THE THIRD SYRIAN FRONT

 

Matt White

March 7, 2016

 Liberty University PPOG 641 - U.S. Middle East Foreign Policy

The Syrian cease fire that went into effect February 27, 2016 presents a fantastic opportunity for the long-repressed and internationally forgotten Syrian Kurdish population to secure the political freedoms and civil liberties for which they have been fighting. Yet as a question of United States foreign policy, support for the Syrian Kurds is an uneasily resolvable complex issue that pits ideological altruistic support against greater strategic American interests in the region with the longstanding and crucial American alliance with Turkey. Under the leadership of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), a semi-autonomous independent confederation of three provinces, named Rojava, has developed in the Kurdish populated regions in Syria amidst the chaos of the Syrian Civil War. The fledgling democratic republic heralds principles of civil rights, liberty and equality to a degree that exceeds that of many Western nations. However, the PYD is strongly affiliated with the Turkish Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), an organization that the United States has classified as a terrorist organization. The United States has only recently started to offer minimal support for the PYD in the greater fight against the Islamic State (ISIS), much to the dismay of Turkey, who has at times viewed the PKK/PYD as the greater threat.

 

Who are the Syrian Kurds?

 

The Kurdish population in Syria is most prominent in the northern provinces along the Turkish border, primarily in the northeastern corner of Syria wedged between Turkey and Iraq. An estimated 1.5 million Kurds live in Syria, accounting for 9% of the Syrian population, or 5% of the total Kurdish population. The majority-Kurdish lands in Syria are actually quite diverse, with significant populations of Arabs, Assyrians, Turks, and Alawites, and in addition to the majority Sunni Muslim Kurds, significant Christian and Yazidi populations. For much of Syrian history, the Kurds were a suppressed population, many stripped of citizenship, leaving a people without a country. Arab nationalism in Syria was a motivation behind the outlawing of Kurdish people and place names, as well as demonstrations of Kurdish culture. Just prior to the outbreak of the civil war in 2011, Syrian president Bashar al-Assad began to initiate a series of reforms to loosen restrictions on the Syrian Kurds, but the process was soon overtaken by events. Then July 19, 2012, in order to consolidate his forces around his strongholds, Assad pulled all Syrian government troops out of the Kurdish provinces. This left the region with de facto autonomy. Local leaders declared the autonomous democratic region of Rojava, or the Autonomous Regions of Afrin, Jazira, and Kobanê.

Though the provinces of Rojava are diverse, with opposition parties competing among Kurds, by far the most powerful governmental entity in Rojava is the Democratic Union Party (PYD). Illegal when it was formed in 2003, the PYD was already a powerful, organized body at the start of the civil war, which enabled it to easily assume control of the region after the Syrian government withdrew. The PYD already controlled its own militia, the YPG, along with the all-female Women’s Defense Units (YPJ), which were formed by the PYD Central Coordinating Committee in 2007. The People’s Council of Western Kurdistan (PCWK), a 320-member elected assembly formed by the PYD December 12, 2011, assumed municipal administrative responsibility of Rojava, functions that otherwise would have been performed under Assad’s government.

           

The PYD considers itself to be a total grassroots self-administering citizen run pluralist democracy, and equates gender equality as a requirement for a democratic existence. Salih Muslim has been the party leader since 2010. In 2014, Salih Muslim officially declared Rojavan autonomy, complete with a constitution. The constitution, called The Social Contract, is liberal, populist and pluralist to a fault. As expected in any liberal democracy, religious freedom, freedom of speech, assembly, and human rights are protected. Not only are the minority populations constitutionally protected, as is the case in other Middle Eastern constitutions, but they are constitutionally celebrated. Most unique, Article 87 of The Social Contract stipulates that “All governing bodies, institutions and committees shall be made up of at least forty percent (40%) of either sex.” As such, while the male Salih Muslim is the acknowledged party head, the PYD has been officially co-chaired by the female Asiyah Abdullah since 2012.

 

From the preamble to the Social Contract:

 “In pursuit of freedom, justice, dignity and democracy and led by principles of equality and environmental sustainability, the Charter proclaims a new social contract, based upon mutual and peaceful coexistence and understanding between all strands of society…In establishing this Charter, we declare a political system and civil administration founded upon a social contract that reconciles the rich mosaic of Syria through a transitional phase from dictatorship, civil war and destruction, to a new democratic society where civic life and social justice are preserved.”

 

Social Contract - the Constitution of Rojava

           

Support for the PYD from the United States is a much more complex issue than blindly backing a pro-Western democratic government with shared Western values. The PYD considers Abdullah Öcalan, the founder of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), as its spiritual founder. Turkey sees the PYD as an extension of the PKK, and located right across the Turkish border, as a major threat. The PKK has been classified as a terrorist organization by both the United States and Turkey. Indeed, since the founding of the party by Öcalan in 1978, acts of terrorism caused by the PKK and confrontations with Turkish forces have resulted in an estimated cumulative 40,000 deaths on both sides through the start of 2015. Öcalan was captured in 1999 with the indispensable help from the United States, imprisoned, and sentenced to life. After peace negotiations that began in 2013 failed, terrorist acts have resumed.          

This begs the question, of just who is the PKK, and their revered leader Abdullah Öcalan? Öcalan embraces the political philosophy of democratic confederalism, a philosophy that Öcalan has relentlessly preached and written about before and after his 1999 arrest. The democratic confederalism of Öcalan rejects capitalism and the notion of the nation-state. From his point of view, Turkish and Arab nationalism have only served to discriminate against and suppress the Kurdish populations in Turkey, Iraq, and Syria. Öcalan’s democratic confederalism is a form of communalism, a confederation of self-governing democratic communities as democracy in its purest form, similar to what is seen in Rojava. Feminism, environmentalism, and religious and ethnic equality are indispensable components of the philosophies of both the PYD and PKK. The PKK has been a staunch supporter of the PYD. After the PYD was excluded from the Geneva II conference in 2014, the Group of Communities in Kurdistan (KCK), the practical implementation wing of the PKK, released a statement, lauding, “…the Rojava Revolution, with its libertarian and democratic character, offers hope for all the peoples of Syria. The revolution of the Kurds in Syria, prefigures a democratic system in which all peoples and religious groups can live freely.”

Yet, in order to achieve their democratic ideology in Turkey, the PKK has resorted to militant tactics. In 2011, on the 34th anniversary of the party’s founding, the PKK Executive Council issued:

“Today the people of Kurdistan who were threatened and bullied with policies of massacre, oppression, torture, genocide and assimilation are in a period of great resistance to form democratic autonomy and defend their gains by staging uprisings and supporting their guerilla forces…Furthermore, we are calling on the brave women of Kurdistan and its heroic youth to undertake the most honorable duty by joining the guerilla forces and leading the uprisings during this historical period.”

While the PKK may be labeled under the same umbrella as a terrorist organization, it is crucial to distinguish between the wildly divergent philosophical motivations of the PKK and Salafist Islamist groups such as ISIS and al-Nusra in Syria. Öcalan’s democratic confederalism and the establishment of an Islamist caliphate are completely mutually exclusive ideals.

 

Rojavan Regional Relations

 

Turkey has seen Rojava, under the PYD, as a safe haven for the PKK, and even above ISIS, as its greatest threat across the southern border. Turkey has backed Syrian opposition forces infiltrated with Islamist fighters, but not the PYD. With Turkey as the United States’ stronger regional interest and alliance, until recently, the United States has followed Turkey’s lead and for a time refused to provide any assistance to the PYD. Twice, the United States denied Salih Muslim a visa, preventing him from visiting with leaders in Washington after an invitation from the Carnegie Foundation for International Peace, even after the United States lavished praise for the PYD for repelling ISIS to end the siege of Kobanê.          

The PYD has had tense relationships with other Syrian opposition forces, and other Kurdish forces supported by the United States in the fight against ISIS. In 2012, president Barzani of the KRG formed the Kurdish National Council (KNC) with the goal of uniting various Kurdish factions in their fight against ISIS. Of eleven parties represented at a conference in the KRG capital of the Erbil, the PYD was the only Kurdish party to boycott. Despite the fact that the PKK has used the KRG as a refuge across the eastern Turkish border, economic and security ties between Turkey and the KRG have been strengthened in recent years. The Turkish-KRG relationship has alienated the PYD from the KRG, further fracturing Kurdish unity. Further complicating PYD relations with the United States, the KRG is a strong American ally. The KRG owes its existence to the United States, with de facto autonomy following the enforcement of the no-fly zone after the Gulf War, and official autonomy following the 2003 invasion of Iraq and the imposition of a new U.S. supported Iraqi constitution, which recognizes Kurdish autonomy through the KRG.

The PYD is not a member of the coalition forces fighting Assad. Since 2012, when the Syrian government withdrew from the three provinces that would form the Rojava confederation, the PYD and Assad have held an unofficial truce. The PYD’s only fight is against ISIS, al-Nusra, and other Islamist groups threatening the Kurdish regions. Though the Rojavan Social Contract invites other Syrian provinces to join Rojava under the Contract’s principles, it also upholds the integrity of Syrian borders, and while maintaining autonomy under confederated Cantons, does not aim at overthrowing Assad or non-confederated provinces. This has placed the PYD in direct opposition to the American and Turkish-backed Free Syrian Army (FSA) and other opposition forces fighting Assad, and potentially into the sphere of Russian influence.

 

Policy Developments and the Syrian Cease Fire

            

During the October 2014 siege of Kobanê, the United States provided airstrikes against ISIS targets surrounding Kobanê, and airdropped medical supplies, small arms, and ammunition to the besieged Kurdish forces, at the disapproval of Turkey. Once Russia entered the equation, the United States resumed reaching out to the PYD, not only as one of the most formidable fighting groups against ISIS, but also among fears that Rojava could become a client state of Russia, in Russia’s support of the Assad regime. A resupply airdrop to the PYD forces carried out jointly by the United States and Russia in October 2015 provoked a strong rebuke from Turkish Prime Minister Davutoğlu. Davutoğlu warned that military supplies could end up in the hands of ISIS, but paramount were Turkish fears that weapons supplied to the PYD would end up being used against Turkey by the PKK.          

November 14, 2015, the International Syria Support Group (ISSG), formed by several countries through the auspices of the United Nations and the Arab League, met in Vienna to develop plans for a proposed cease fire. This was followed December 9 with a conference in Riyadh, with the United States, Turkey, and most of the Gulf States facilitating talks with over one hundred representatives of opposition groups. Though the PYD is among the most prominent, formidable and organized parties in Syria, they were excluded from discussions at Turkey’s insistence. In response to being left out of all talks, the PKK organized the Rumeilan Congress in Rojava, inviting representatives from the opposition forces, with the PYD as the host party. The objective was to promote a moderate third party capable of intermediating between Assad and the opposition.

December 18, 2015, the United Nations Security Council, in support of the ISSG initiative, issued UNSC Resolution 2254. The resolution outlined terms for a ceasefire that went into effect February 27, 2016. In the short term, hostilities between Syrian government and opposition forces are to cease at the borders of territories under current control by the various factions. In the long term, the resolution calls for free elections and a new constitution. Importantly, the resolution excludes ISIS, al-Nusra and other al-Qaeda affiliated terrorist organizations, and urges both the government and opposition forces to unify in their fight against these extremist groups. Erdoğan has expressed outrage that the PYD has not been included in the list of terrorist organizations excluded from the peace agreement, lumping the PYD in with ISIS and al-Nusra.

 

Implications of US Support for Autonomy

            

UNSC Resolution 2254 upholds “Syria’s unity, independence, territorial integrity, and non-sectarian character, to ensuring continuity of governmental institutions…” In this spirit of continuity, the question remains as to whether the United States and other nations will recognize the autonomy, constitution, and established government of the Rojava confederation, under the leadership of the PYD.

One option would be to appease Turkey and exclude the PYD from organizations protected under the ceasefire resolution. With reason, Turkey greatly fears the prospect of an autonomous and internationally protected Kurdish entity contiguous along its southern border, associated with the PKK. Turkey is a more crucial ally in the region to the United States than a small breakaway Kurdish republic. Maintaining ties with Turkey in the name of American greater interests in the Middle East, in this regard, would mean sacrificing a small, aspiring liberal democracy, whose core philosophy is grounded on racial, religious, and gender equality, and protecting human rights in general, rare in the Middle East. Abandoning the Syrian Kurds would likely damage American relations with the KRG in Iraq, a key ally in the fight against ISIS, which could lead to further Iraqi destabilization.

If the United States supports existing Rojavan autonomy without Turkey onboard, tensions could escalate between Turkey and an empowered PKK, potentially leading to armed conflict between Turkey and Rojava. The United States would have to choose between a strong and powerful ally, against continuing support for a fledgling democracy. Another approach would be for the United States and Turkey to forcibly oust the PYD from power in Rojava, and to prop up the Rojavan government with leaders acceptable to both the United States and Turkey, individuals and parties without PKK affiliations. Such a move would not be without historical precedent, yet, it would be contradictory to the principles of democracy and autonomy championed in the Rojavan Social Contract.

For the Syrian Kurdish confederation of Rojava, the outcome of the Syrian peace process and their continued autonomy oddly hinges on Turkey reaching a truce with the PKK. A truce is not out of the realm of possibility. Neither Erdoğan nor Davutoğlu are Kemalists, as both shun secular Turkish nationalism and its minimalist view of Islamic religious values. Many in their ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) have embraced the Hizmet movement of Civil Islam, which promotes Islamic virtue and piety expressed through democracy. Their biggest concern is internal national security and stopping the wave of terrorist attacks by the PKK. Though they have a reputation for taking a hard stance against the Kurds, if it could result if the cessation of hostilities, in theory, Erdoğan and Davutoğlu could have an easier time working with fellow Sunni Muslims than a strong nationalist could in dealing with an ethnic minority. For one, in 2014, Turkey announced that if the KRG became independent from Iraq, they would recognize that Kurdish government, reversing a longstanding policy. As a part of the peace process that began in the fall of 2013, alongside other Kurdish groups, Erdoğan began a dialogue with the PKK and Öcalan from his prison cell. Erdoğan proposed five modest reforms such as restoring private Kurdish-language education and restoring Kurdish place names that had been changed to Turkish. Concessions were unsatisfactory, and the peace process broke down.

If a truce can be reached between Turkey and the PKK, with major concessions on both sides through greater civil liberties and limited autonomy awarded to the Kurdish Turks in return for cessation of PKK hostilities, then Rojava could potentially become allied with Turkey. Should the Syrian peace process break down resulting in a failed Syrian state largely under ISIS control, Turkish military forces could concentrate on fighting ISIS, along its entire southern border, including in defense of new ally Rojava, against the radical jihadist organization that should be the real enemy. The current goal of the PYD is to confederate Syria under its liberal democratic constitution, but if the rest of Syria fails, the possibility exists that at some point, Rojava could become incorporated under Turkish protection as an autonomous Turkish province. Such overtures could strengthen the Turkish position for E.U. membership. For the best possible outcome to unfold, American support for continued Rojavan autonomy should be packaged with pressuring the PYD and PKK to clamp down on hostilities in order to bring Turkey and the Kurdish representatives back to the peace negotiating table.

 

Conclusion

 

Per the ceasefire agreement that went into effect February 27, 2016, territory and institutions held at the time of the ceasefire are to remain intact for the time being, including the Kurdish-dominated confederated territories of Rojava. Yet, the question remains: if the ceasefire is successful in halting the fighting between the Syrian government and the opposition troops, would the United States support continued autonomy for Rojava, along with military support for the Syrian Kurds in the continued fight against ISIS and al-Nusra? The issue is much more complex than face-value support for a fledgling liberal democracy. The Rojavan democratic confederation is dominated by the PYD, a party strongly associated with the PKK, which greatly complicates the matter as any stance towards Rojava will reverberate throughout American-Turkish relations. The ongoing multifaceted conflict in Syria is an issue likely to spill into the next American presidential administration. For current officials and presidential hopefuls, this struggle does not have to be a binary choice between taking the altruistic moral high ground versus pursuing American greater strategic interests by appeasing a powerful ally. For any American official to be successful in pursuing a middle ground of support for Rojavan autonomy, while not antagonizing Turkey, it would require a phenomenal level of diplomatic tact and an intelligent understanding of all sides of the issue, attributes that could be utilized towards the resolution of other longstanding conflicts throughout the Middle East and beyond.

 

 

References

 

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