POLITICAL ISLAM: POLITICS AS USUAL
Matt
White
November 17, 2015
Liberty University PPOG 640 – Middle East Laws and Policy
As general governance is performed by those that seek to maintain social
order, the delineation between the public roles of politicians and clergy in
Political Islam is blurred. To many Muslims, Islam is a comprehensive way of
life, with no distinction between personal and civil realms. Political Islam
uses Islamic religious principles to uphold social order through civil
governance. In essence, Political Islam is the incorporation of Islam into the
political arena, though each Islamic government incorporates religion in varying
degrees, reflecting diverse legal systems and national domestic and foreign
policies. In actual application, the governmental duties of promoting progress,
stability, law and order, and economic interests are influenced by religious
principles, and religious principles are likewise promoted to carry out personal
or partisan political agendas.
Political Islam
Islam is an Arabic term
meaning “submission,” specifically submission to the will of Allah.[1]
To many Muslims, Islam offers all-encompassing guidelines for living a life of
submission to Allah, in both public and private life.[2]
The total comprehensiveness of Islam cannot help but encompass governance and
politics, giving rise to the prominent Islamist creed,
al-Islam din wa dawla, meaning “Islam
is [both] religion and state.”[3]
Political Islam can be defined as
this blending of church and state. Political Islam cannot be bound within a
single universal mold, as Muslim countries blend Islam into their political
systems to varying degrees specific to each individual nation and demographic.[4]
Governments that are classified as
Islamist share a common legal foundation of Shari’a law.
Shari’a is the legal system based on law found within interpretations of the
teachings of the Qur’an and the
Sunnah. The Qur’an is the ultimate
authority, as the text was directly dictated from Allah to the prophet Muhammad,
straight from the mouth of God in the Arabic language.[5]
The Sunnah is the collection of
hadith, or writings about the life of
Muhammad as recorded by his followers. Muslims believe that Muhammad lived his
life in accordance with the perfect will of Allah, so to emulate Muhammad’s
actions, behaviors, and situational precedent as described in the Sunnah is to
live in closer harmony to Allah.[6]
The majority of Muslims are Sunnis. The Islamist Shari’a system established in
Saudi Arabia and several other Sunni Islamist states more closely reflect the
political establishments of the historical Middle Eastern Sunni empires.[7]
Iran, in contrast, has a majority Shi’a population, and the Iranian theocracy is
a manifestation of the Shi’a denominational view of Islamic hierarchy.[8]
Traditional Islamist governments can be contrasted with secular Muslim states
such as Turkey. Democratic Turkey, with a European-style civil law system, is
not Islamist by this definition.[9]
However, Political Islam in Turkey exists in the form of
Civil Islam. Embraced by the ruling
Justice and Development Party (AKP), Civil Islam is a humanistic governmental
approach aimed at promoting Muslim virtues, morality, and service to society.[10]
Though Turkey is nominally a secular state, Turkish Civil Islam still blends
din wa dawla, reflecting Islam’s
all-encompassing nature.
Political Islam and the Impact on Law and Policy
Shari’a is not a codified book of statutes as in a civil law system.
Shari’a judiciaries consist of religious and legal scholars (ulama)
that interpret the Qur’an and Sunnah and make applications to specific cases.[11]
Islamic judges, qadis, preside over
the courts, investigate facts and apply the law to specific cases.
Qadis work in consultation with
muftis, religious experts that
interpret Shari’a in developing legal opinions, or
fatwas.[12]
Usul-i-fiq is the Sunni legal practice that in addition to the Qur’an and
Sunnah, uses analytical reasoning, or
ijtihad, to apply Islamic principles to real-world situations, and
consensus, or ijma among the ulama
coming to agreement on their human interpretations.[13]
One difference between Shari’a and English common law systems is that in
Shari’a, past legal rulings hold no formal precedent in making conclusions on
separate issues.[14]
Important to note is that the Qur’an and Sunnah do not mandate any specific
legal structure, rather, this system evolved over the centuries in the dominant
Islamic empires.[15]
Though there are broad commonalities, there is also diversity among the various
Islamist legal systems in the modern Middle East, augmenting Shari’a with
codified civil and common law in various degrees.
Domestic governance and public policy in general is typically aimed at
maintaining social order, national stability, and fostering the economy. The
distinction between religion, practical governance and national self-interest
can become quite blurred in Islamist systems. Pragmatically, Islamist
governments require the use of more than just Shari’a to accomplish political
goals. Many Islamist governments blend Shari’a with elements of civil and common
law in order to achieve policy objectives. As an example, though the Saudi
Constitution is in entirety the Qur’an and Sunnah, the Saudi king, and not the
clergy, holds ultimate authority over judicial, executive, and organizational
power, per article 44 of the Basic Law.[16]
Additionally, the king and executive authorities issue codified civil
regulations, or nizams, for practical
administrative governance, though theoretically subordinate to Shari’a. To some
degree, legislation is developed based on Muslim teachings, but religious legal
opinions and interpretations can be spun to promote specific policy objectives.
Saudi authoritarianism in enforcing strict moral conformity to Shari’a serves to
promote both Wahhabism as the official state religion, and to secure the
political power of the Saudi king.
Civil Islam is a growing phenomenon in Turkey, increasingly gaining prominence
against the historically strictly secular Kemalist system. Civil Islam promotes
pragmatic governance based on Islamic moral principles, though with a civil
legal system, not Shari’a. Turkey remains a secular state with
constitutionally-guaranteed religious freedom, but not in the Western
understanding, as the government under the ruling AKP maintains a large
religious influence. The Directorate of Religious Affairs, or
Diyanet, has grown exponentially
under the AKP and has developed into both a religious and political tool of the
ruling party. The Diyanet runs Islamic schools, appoints imams, and oversees all
Sunni mosques.[17]
Civil Islam in Turkey sprung from the Hizmet Movement, founded by Fetullah Gülen
in the late 20th century. Hizmet has been spreading across Muslim
nations, but has primarily taken root in Turkey. The goal of Hizmet is to
promote a form of Civil Islam that improves society and the human condition
through Muslim faith, spirituality, and piety. The Hizmet form of Political
Islam rejects Shari’a and religious state authoritarianism, and believes that
spirituality can be expressed through progressive democracy and political
involvement.[18]
The elevation of Islam as the ultimate guide for the political realm has
ramifications for public policy towards non-Muslims. Saudi Basic Law establishes
Islam as the official state religion and the Qur’an and Sunnah as the
constitution. Religious freedom is not legally protected, though non-Muslims are
generally allowed to practice strictly in private.
[19] The Commission for the Promotion of
Virtue and Prevention of Vice (CPVPV) enforces Islamic morality among all
citizens, and has conducted raids against non-Muslim private religious meetings.[20]
Non-Muslim testimony is worth less in the courts.[21]
The sizable Shi’a minority is largely suppressed, faces legal discrimination,
and is underrepresented in Saudi government.[22]
Sunni blasphemy and conversion from Islam are punishable by death.[23]
In the Islamic Republic of Iran, Twelver Shi’a is constitutionally the official
religion. Though Zoroastrians, Christians and Jews are constitutionally
protected religious minorities in Iran, these and all non-Shi’a are routinely
harassed.[24]
Unlike in Saudi Arabia, these specifically recognized minorities are allowed to
meet in private churches and run private schools in Iran. However, members must
register with the government, and the Ministry of Intelligence and Security
closely monitors facilities and meetings, ensuring no Muslims are permitted
inside.[25]
As in Saudi Arabia, conversion from Islam is potentially punishable by death.[26]
In Turkey, legal rights for the 1% non-Muslim minority are protected in the
state’s secular constitution. However, Turkish national identity cards contain a
line for listing religion, and those that do not list themselves as Muslim
regularly face discrimination and harassment in employment and other areas.[27]
Political Islam and the Impact on International Relations
Foreign policy in Political Islam must be viewed with an understanding of
the historical Islamist caliphate, the Islamist kingdom ruling over the global
Muslim community, or ummah. Muhammad
founded the original united Muslim caliphate, and was succeeded in leadership by
a series of caliphs. A dispute over Muhammad’s rightful heir led to the split
between Sunni and Shi’a Muslims during the Umayyad Dynasty, with Sunnis
emphasizing the most qualified candidate, and Shi’a emphasizing a hereditary
title.[28]
In Shi’a Islam, there can only be one true caliph, the Twelfth Imam that
disappeared without leaving an heir. Any Sunni claim to the caliph title amounts
to apostasy to Shi’i, furthering Sunni-Shi’a animosity. Throughout the
centuries, the Muslim world was not run by a single caliphate, but by a series
of Muslim dynasties, sultanates, and ultimately, the Ottoman Empire, many laying
claim to a caliphate to some degree. Many modern radicalized groups seek to
erase borders and return to their version of the ideal global caliphate as
established by Muhammad.[29]
Modern Middle Eastern nation states were artificially carved out and borders
drawn by Britain and France following WWI and the collapse of the Ottoman
Empire. Anti-colonialism significantly factors into the mindset of politicians
and the people in the modern Middle Eastern foreign policy realm. Islamic
political and religious leaders preach against Western values and culture such
as democracy and commercialism, labeling them as corrupting influences, and as
such, an attack on Islam. Thus, shouts of “Death to America” are not as much of
an offensive attack as it is a defensive rallying cry against the perceived
attack on Islam by the West.[30]
However, such rallying cries are common tools of political demagoguery
used to promote a personal political agenda. Muslim extremists under this
mindset use the defense of Islam as the excuse for waging offensive terrorist
jihad against the West.
As in domestic policy and law, Muslim foreign policy is influenced by religion,
and conversely, religion can be wielded to promote specific foreign policy
objectives. Geopolitical tensions exist not only along the Islamic-Western
civilizational fault line, but also between resource-rich Muslim neighbors of
different sects. Ayatollah Khomeini commonly preached his interpretation of
Shi’a Islam to promote nationalistic goals, territorial and economic interests
by equating the defense of the country with the defense of Shi’a Islam. The
Iran-Iraq war was a nationalistic fight to capture Iraqi oil rich territory
under the additional guise of recapturing Shi’a holy sites and overthrowing
Saddam’s secular (Sunni) government. Khomeini often used
jihad and the defense of Islam as
rallying cries for the troops in support of his nationalistic goals and Iran’s
economic interests.
[31]
In contrast to the prevalent
anti-Western notions throughout Muslims nations, Turkey and the AKP seek to
further engage with the West. Civil Islam proponents within the AKP continue to
advocate for Turkey’s admittance into the European Union.[32]
Rejecting Islamist isolationism, Hizmet philosophy teaches that Muslim
spirituality can be achieved and enhanced through engagement with the world,
particularly in selfless service to others.[33]
With or without claimed religious advantages, free trade and engagement with the
E.U. are in Turkey’s economic self-interest. Additionally, the Diyanet has
become a foreign policy tool, expanding its reach into the Central Asian nations
of greater Turkestan, building mosques and training imams in the ethnically and
linguistically Turkish trans-Caucasian nations.[34]
Conclusion
To adherents of Political Islam, the universality of the Islamic religion
makes it impossible for Islam to be extracted from public life. Political Islam
blends Muslim principles with legal principles and governance in varying degrees
throughout Muslim nations. The infusion of Islam in governance ranges the
spectrum from goals of extra-national Islamist insurgent groups, to the
authoritarian enforcement of Shari’a in monarchial Saudi Arabia and theocratic
Iran, to Middle Eastern nations with mixed Shari’a and civil law systems, to the
system of Civil Islam in democratic Turkey. One element of Political Islam is
the altruistic promotion of Islamic piety among citizens and the expansion of
the religion in the service of Allah.
Also among the goals of any national government are stability, peaceful
social order, economic security and national foreign policy interests. In
Political Islam, there is an element that these national goals can be achieved
through the principles of Islam, but also that principles of Islam can be spun
to promote personal political agendas.
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[1].
John L. Esposito, What Everyone
Needs to Know About Islam, (New York: Oxford University Press,
2012), 139.
[2].
Ibid., 151.
[3].
Peter Mandaville, Global
Political Islam, (New York: Routledge, 2007), 12.
[4].
Ibid., 1.
[5].
Marcia Gelpe, The Israeli Legal
System, (Durham: Carolina Academic Press, 2013), 281-282.
[6].
John L. Esposito, What Everyone
Needs to Know About Islam, (New York: Oxford University Press,
2012), 11
[7].
Peter Mandaville, Global
Political Islam, (New York: Routledge, 2007), 34-35.
[8].
United States Central Intelligence Agency, “The World Factbook – Iran”,
last updated October 28, 2015, accessed November 14, 2015,
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ir.html.
[9].
United States Central Intelligence Agency, “The World Factbook –
Turkey”, last updated November 4, 2015, accessed November 14, 2015,
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/tu.html.
[10].
Uğur Kömeçoğlu, “Islamism, Post-Islam, and
Civil Islam,” Current Trends in
Islamist Ideology no. 16 (March 2014): 22, accessed November 14,
2014,
http://www.hudson.org/content/researchattachments/attachment/1393/ct_16_posting.pdf.
[11].
Jan Michiel Otto,
Sharia Incorporated: A Comparative Overview
of the Legal Systems of Twelve Muslim Countries in Past and Present,
(Leiden: Amsterdam University Press, 2010), 23-24,
accessed November 14, 2015,
http://goo.gl/4p16Vu.
[12].
Cynthia Shawamreh, “Islamic Legal Theory and the Context of Islamist
Movements,” Notre Dame Journal of
International & Comparative Law: 206, accessed November 14, 2015,
http://www3.nd.edu/~intlaw/V2I2/Shawamreh.pdf.
[13].
Shawamnreh, 201-204
[14].
United States Department of State, “SAUDI ARABIA – State,” 4, accessed
November 14, 2015,
http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/171744.pdf.
[15].
Peter Mandaville, Global
Political Islam, (New York: Routledge, 2007), 12.
[16].
Basic Law of Saudi Arabia
(1992), accessed November 14, 2015,
https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Saudi_Arabia_2005.pdf.
[17].
Svante E. Cornell and M.K. Kaya, “Political Islam in Turkey and the
Naqshbandi-Khalidi Order,”
Current Trends in Islamist Ideology no. 19 (September 2015): 56-57,
accessed November 14, 2015,
http://s3.amazonaws.com/media.hudson.org/files/publications/20150929CurrentTrends19.pdf.
[18].
Uğur Kömeçoğlu, “Islamism, Post-Islam, and
Civil Islam,” Current Trends in
Islamist Ideology no. 16 (March 2014): 20-22, accessed November 14,
2014,
http://www.hudson.org/content/researchattachments/attachment/1393/ct_16_posting.pdf.
[19].
United States Department of State, “SAUDI ARABIA – State,” 3, accessed
November 14, 2015,
http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/171744.pdf.
[20].
Ibid., 1
[21].
Ibid., 8
[22].
Ibid., 6
[23].
Ibid.
[24].
United States Department of State, “IRAN – State,” 3, 6, accessed
November 15, 2015,
http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/171734.pdf.
[25].
Ibid., 6, 14
[26].
Ibid., 3,
[27].
United States Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and
Labor, “Turkey,” International
Religious Freedom Report for 2011, 1, 6, 2011, accessed November 13,
2015, http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/193083.pdf.
[28].
Peter Mandaville, Global
Political Islam, (New York: Routledge, 2007), 31-33.
[29].
Peter Mandaville, Global
Political Islam, (New York: Routledge, 2007), 239-240.
[30].
Halim Rane, “The Impact of Maqasid al-Shari’ah on Islamist Political
Thought: Implications for Islam-West Relations,”
Islam and Civilisational Renewal
2.2 (January 2011): 339, accessed November 11, 2015,
http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.liberty.edu:2048/docview/1314480578?pq-origsite=summon.
[31].
Katerina Dalacoura, “Unexceptional Politics? The Impact of Islam on
International Relations,”
Millennium – Journal of International Studies 29, no.3 (December
2000): 880-882, accessed November 11, 2015,
http://mil.sagepub.com.ezproxy.liberty.edu:2048/content/29/3/879.
[32].
Uğur Kömeçoğlu, “Islamism, Post-Islam, and
Civil Islam,” Current Trends in
Islamist Ideology no. 16 (March 2014): 28, accessed November 14,
2014,
http://www.hudson.org/content/researchattachments/attachment/1393/ct_16_posting.pdf
.
[33].
Ibid., 22
[34].
Bayram Balci, “Turkey’s Religious Outreach in Central Asia and the
Caucasus,” Current Trends in
Islamist Ideology no. 16, (March 2014): 69-72, accessed November 15,
2015,
http://www.hudson.org/content/researchattachments/attachment/1393/ct_16_posting.pdf.